Fight Back News Service is circulating the following statement by the Friends of Socialist China U.S. Committee in response to the Trump administration’s announcement of new tariffs on Chinese imports.

The Trump administration’s decision to slap additional tariffs on the People’s Republic of China is something that should be condemned by every person who cares about peace and progress. These moves are making the world a more dangerous place and are part of a larger anti-China policy being pursued by the Trump administration – a policy begun under the Obama administration and deepened during the Biden administration.

These tariffs are in effect a tax on working people here in the United States and will result in rising prices for our necessities and wants. They will have no impact whatsoever on the lifestyles of the billionaires. Indeed, the money raised from increased prices will be used to fund the Trump regime’s tax cuts for the super-rich. Furthermore, these tariffs will harm the U.S. economy more than China’s. People’s China has a more diversified economy, more trading partners, and a greater share of world trade.

To quote Mao Zedong, “Lifting a rock only to drop it on one’s own feet is a Chinese folk saying to describe the behavior of certain fools.” This certainly applies to Trump and his wealthy backers.

The tariffs against China exist in a larger context. The U.S. empire is in a state of stagnation and decline, while People’s China is developing at an incredible speed. Wall Street and the Pentagon are working to “contain” and encircle China. They are increasing the spending for war preparations, attempting to draw countries in the region into hostile alliances aimed at China, and encouraging separatist forces in Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang. The tariffs supplement the hundreds of U.S. sanctions against China in textiles, solar energy, computers and more.

For the past decade, U.S. policy makers have talked about “decoupling” the U.S. economy from that of China. Washington DC’s trade war is a part of that process, and it cannot be separated from preparations for other kinds of war in the Pacific, including those fought by military means.

Socialist China has made incredible achievements. China has waged a real war o poverty, while the U.S. government is waging a war on working people. China is by far the world leader in renewable energy production, electric transport, biodiversity protection and afforestation. China takes public health seriously. That’s why its life expectancy consistently goes up. Here in the U.S., we have measles outbreaks, and vaccine “skeptics” running the show. China wants peace. No serious person can say that about the U.S. today.

We demand that the tariffs directed at China be rolled back. We oppose the Trump administration’s anti-China policy, including any and all preparations for war. And we stand in solidarity with socialist China as it heads into a bright future.

#International #China

Washington, D.C. – On March 14, Filipino and other community activists gathered outside of the Embassy of the Philippines to celebrate the arrest of the dictator Rodrigo Duterte, while also mourning the victims of his brutal regime.

The action began with organizers from Anakbayan DC leading the crowd in chants in both English and Tagalog, shouting, “Stop the killings in the Philippines!” and “Makibaka, huwag matakot!” The protesters then attempted to take the street, but the police present at the action verbally warned the crowd and began a kettling process, pushing protesters back onto the sidewalk.

Speakers from Malaya DC, Anakbayan DC, and the DC Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (DCAARPR), celebrated Duterte’s arrest and denounced the crimes he committed while in office. Connections were also drawn between repression seen locally and what is seen in the Philippines.

“Let’s be clear, today is a huge victory for the people’s movement,” said the speaker from DCAARPR, “The Duterte regime will try their best to sidestep the ICC ruling, but it is our job to be unrelenting and ensure that he is put away for his crimes against humanity”

The protest continued with calls for future mobilization against Trump, citing comparisons between his repressive regime and the Duterte era in the Philippines.

“The rollbacks against federal workers, the imminent ICE raids, and political kidnapping of Palestinian student activist Mahmoud Khalil, are all reminiscent of martial law in the Philippines,” continued the speaker for DCAARPR, “Our enemy knows it is in their best interests to be united around a common goal, now is time for us to unite the strands of the people’s struggles so that we become an impenetrable united front!”

#WashingtonDC #DCAARPR #International #Philippines #Trump

The Popular Front condemns the brutal American aggression against Yemen and emphasizes that Yemen will remain a thorn in the eye of the aggressors.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine strongly condemns the extensive American aggression against Yemen and stresses that this crime is an extension of the war crimes and genocide that imperialism and Zionism have committed against the Arab people.

We express our full solidarity with the brotherly people of Yemen, extend our condolences for the martyrs killed in this unjust aggression, wish speedy recovery for our injured heroes, and emphasize that the blood of the martyrs will be the guiding light of perseverance and resistance, and will not be in vain. Instead, it will strengthen Yemen's resolve to confront the aggression.

This brutal aggression will not succeed in breaking the will of the free people of Yemen, who, despite the siege and the aggressions they face, have never hesitated in their support for Palestine and embrace of Gaza.

Anyone who supports Yemen supports Palestine and the Arab people's right to confront colonial and hegemonic projects.

We emphasize that Yemen, which stands at the forefront of defending the dignity of the Arabs, will not be defeated, will not raise the white flag, and will remain a thorn in the sides of the aggressors.

We call on the masses and the free people of the world to take to the streets in support of Yemen, condemn this brutal aggression, and emphasize that resistance is the only inevitable option to neutralize the aggressive plans, and that the will of the people cannot be broken by planes and missiles.

Long live steadfast Yemen! Victory to resistance!

Shame on the American and Zionist aggressors and their agents!

#International #Palestine #Yemen #AntiWarMovement

Minneapolis, MN – On March 15 the Minnesota Peace Action Coalition (MPAC) hosted a panel at the New City Center about U.S.-China relations and where President Donald Trump likely intends to take them. The event featured speakers from MPAC, Asians 4 Palestine, Nodutdal and Minnesota Workers United.

Panelists touched on a number of topics, including dispelling myths about China, relations with Taiwan, and U.S. military buildup in the Indo-Pacific region. MPAC organized the panel to bring people of different backgrounds together for a rousing discussion about the past, present and future of U.S.-China relations, and what anti-war advocates have termed the “New Cold War.”

#MinneapolisMN #MN #AntiWarMovement #International

The arrest of former President Rodrigo Duterte by virtue of a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) is a victory for the Filipino people, particularly the thousands of victims of his bloody “war on drugs” and his fascist attacks on the revolutionary movement. It affirms what the people have long known – that Duterte is a mass murderer who must be held accountable for his crimes. However, this does not absolve Marcos Jr. of his own blood debts as he continues the reactionary state’s counterrevolutionary war against the Filipino people.

While we welcome the ICC’s move against Duterte, we also reiterate the crimes of the Marcos Jr. administration. The 2024 International People’s Tribunal (IPT) found both Duterte and Marcos Jr., as well as the US government guilty of grave violations of international humanitarian law. The findings of the IPT reinforce the fact that state terror and impunity persist under Marcos Jr. and that the fight for justice must extend beyond Duterte’s arrest—it must challenge the continuing fascist repression being waged by the current regime.

The ICC warrant focuses on Duterte’s “war on drugs,” but his crimes extend far beyond this. His regime carried out the systematic killing of NDFP peace consultants, aerial bombings of civilian communities, and the torture and execution of captured Red fighters (hors de combat), all in blatant disregard of the laws of war. These war crimes were not just Duterte’s policy—they remain central to the Marcos Jr. regime’s counterrevolutionary war against the Filipino people. Under Marcos Jr., indiscriminate bombings, enforced disappearances, forced evacuations, and extrajudicial killings continue, proving that the reactionary state will stop at nothing to crush the people’s resistance.

Furthermore, Duterte’s crimes were not his alone, nor were they simply the product of local reactionary politics. US imperialism has long propped up Philippine fascist regimes, providing military aid, training and intelligence to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP). The US-funded “counterinsurgency” programs directly contributed to Duterte’s reign of terror. Even now, under Marcos Jr., US-backed military operations continue to target both revolutionary forces and the legal democratic mass movement. The people’s movement must continue to expose and resist the imperialist role in enabling fascist rule up to this day.

We call on the international community to sustain pressure for Duterte’s immediate prosecution. At the same time, the ICC must exert all necessary measures to compel the Marcos Jr. government to surrender Duterte to ICC jurisdiction. The NDFP International Office stands firmly with the Filipino masses in their fight for justice and genuine national and social liberation. Duterte and his cronies must face the full weight of their actions – not just for their past crimes but to end the continuing reign of impunity in the Philippines.

Duterte’s arrest, or even his potential conviction, will not dismantle the semicolonial and semifeudal system that breeds fascist rulers and US puppet regimes. Only through a national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective, led by the working class, can the roots of fascist violence be eradicated.

#International #Philippines #NDFP #Duterte #ICC

On International Women’s Day: A Salute to the Steadfast Palestinian Woman Standing Against Genocide and Displacement Plans

The Palestinian Woman: A Song of Freedom, Homeland, and Anemones

Our Brave People…

On March 8, the peoples of the world celebrate International Women’s Day in recognition of women’s central role in the journey of liberation and progress, and in appreciation of their long struggles against oppression, injustice, and exploitation. In Palestine, however, this day carries a deeper and more painful dimension, as the Palestinian woman stands at the heart of the confrontation, carrying the banner of steadfastness and resistance against the zionist machine of killing and destruction. She remains on the frontlines—as a fighter, prisoner, martyr, wounded, and as a mother of martyrs—bearing the wounds of the homeland in her heart and igniting the flame of resistance, struggle, and defiance.

Our Proud and Defiant People…

Amid the ongoing zionist genocide against our people in Gaza and the West Bank, the heroism of Palestinian women is evident as they face extermination, killing, displacement, repeated forced migration, and massacres. They fight to survive, to protect their homeland and children, and to uphold their right to live in freedom and dignity.

On this important occasion, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine reaffirms the following:

1. A salute of reverence and admiration to the Palestinian woman who continues to resist on the frontlines—whether in the besieged and bleeding Gaza, making immense sacrifices, in the rebellious West Bank, or in exile and diaspora, standing firm against zionist plans to uproot and displace our people.

2. The necessity of escalating the struggle in all international forums to hold the occupation accountable for its crimes against Palestinian women and to prosecute its leaders in international courts as war criminals who have committed crimes against humanity.

3. Strengthening the role of the Palestinian women’s movement in the battle for national and social liberation and engaging in the resistance structures that support women’s steadfastness and fight against all forms of discrimination and oppression.

4. Unifying women’s efforts on the Arab and international levels to form a global resistance front that exposes the occupation’s crimes and defends Palestinian women’s rights to freedom, dignity, and justice.

Our People…

The Palestinian woman, who has given birth to heroes and raised fighters, is an inseparable part of our people’s struggle for liberation, return, and independence. Therefore, our struggle will continue until the aggression is defeated, the land and its people are freed, and the state of Palestine is established from the river to the sea, with Al-Quds as its capital—until Palestinian women achieve their full rights in a free, democratic society based on liberty, justice, and equality.

Long live the steadfast and fighting Palestinian woman.

Long live March 8 as a day of struggle, defiance, and steadfastness.

Together on the path to freedom and dignity.

#International #Palestine #WomensMovement #InternationalWomensDay

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) strongly condemns the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for its reckless and brutal strafing operations carried out using helicopter gunships under the cover of darkness past midnight yesterday in the areas between La Paz, Agusan del Sur, and Cabanglasan town, Bukidnon. These operations, purportedly intended to support ground troop actions against the New People’s Army (NPA), have inflicted trauma and fear upon civilian communities in the vicinity.

The AFP also deployed FA50 fighter jets that carry 250-lb or 500-lb bombs. However, according to reports, their mission was aborted when one of the jet fighters went missing on its way to Mindanao.

Such actions constitute a blatant violation of international humanitarian law, which mandates the protection of civilian lives during armed conflict. The indiscriminate use of aerial bombardment and strafing, particularly when there are no clear military targets, is a flagrant use of excessive force. This not only endangers the lives of civilians but also reflects a gross disregard for the principles of proportionality and distinction in warfare.

This incident follows similar aerial assaults and rocket firings on March 1 in Mansalay, Oriental Mindoro, and February 19 in Pola, Oriental Mindoro. In each case, the AFP put civilian communities in danger, exacerbating the sufferings of peasant and Mangyan communities.

Such actions constitute blatant violations of international humanitarian law, which mandates the protection of civilian lives during armed conflict. These are carried out indiscriminately without clear military targets. These are a flagrant use of excessive force which not only endangers the lives of civilians but also reflects a gross disregard for the principles of proportionality and distinction in warfare. The use of aerial strafing and bombing also inflicts damage to the environment and wildlife.

These recent strafing and aerial bombing operations underscore the AFP’s the brutal and violent attacks directed against civilians in the course of its counterinsurgency operations. These are aimed at instilling fear among the peasant communities that it routinely accuses of supporting the New People’s Army. The AFP continues to intensify these attacks despite its repeated declarations that the New People’s Army is “a spent force” and has only “one weakened guerrilla front.”

The CPP calls on all peace-loving individuals and organizations to denounce the continued use of aerial bombing and strafing by the AFP and demand an immediate cessation to the use of excessive force that endanger the lives of civilians, causes widespread trauma and terror among the people, and violates international humanitarian law.

#International #Philippines #CPP #Statement

New York, NY – About 200 people gathered in Dag Hammarskjöld Plaza on the beautiful Saturday afternoon, March 1, to protest the U.S./Republic of Korea (ROK) Freedom Shield exercises in Korea. Nodutdol organized the action, and it was part of a day of action where protests took place in San Francisco, Los Angeles and Seattle to demand an end to U.S. militarization and escalation towards war.

The Freedom Shield exercises will be taking place between March 10 and March 19 in South Korea. Freedom Shield is a routine defensive training event that occurs between the U.S. and one of its allies, in this case the Republic of Korea, to strengthen its alliance with that nation. However, it also promotes war and could escalate already fraught tensions with the Democratic Republic of Korea.

The springtime U.S./ROK military exercises have been ongoing since 1976, and it wasn’t until 2023 that Biden named them the “Freedom Shield.” In the same year, tensions within the Korean region spiked.

The U.S. Out of Korea campaign is not only calling for an end to these exercises, but an end to U.S. intervention within the Korean peninsula. Nodutdol gathered over 100 U.S. organizations to endorse a statement calling on President Trump to abide by these demands.

Nodutdol organizers led a rally and protest, with a leading chant being “No boots on the ground, no bombs in the air! U.S. out of everywhere!”

Speakers from various organizations, such as Bayan USA, spoke in solidarity with Nodutdol and the U.S. Out of Korea campaign.

Ket Maarte of BAYAN Northeast said, “BAYAN stands in solidarity with our Korean comrades in their demands to cancel Freedom Shield 25 and remove U.S. military out of Korean land. It is a shame that the Philippines was one out of the 12 nations to participate in the U.S./ROK exercises last year. But it is not surprising that our government is complicit in the ongoing militarism against the Korean working class. The Filipino people know all too well what it is like to have our land, sea, and people exploited for the interests of U.S. imperialism. It is imperative that we show our solidarity in the genuine liberation of the Korean and Filipino working class! Because if the U.S. falls in one, the U.S. falls in all.”

After the march, the rally ended with calls of solidarity and rousing chants.

#NewYorkNY #NY #AntiWarMovement #SouthKorea #International #Nodutdol #BAYAN

Washington, DC – On February 26, Wednesday evening, community organizers and activists gathered outside of the Embassy of the Philippines in DC to commemorate the 39th anniversary of the 1986 EDSA Peoples Power uprisings.

The action began with Tagalog chants of “Makibaka! Huwag matakot!” (Fight! Don’t be afraid!) and “From Palestine to the Philippines! Stop the U.S. war machine!” while speakers detailed the history of the EDSA uprisings and sacrifices of the Filipino people to oust the dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr.

Co-sponsoring organizations included the International League of Peoples Struggles Baltimore-DMV, Anakbayan DC and Montgomery County, Malaya Movement DC, and Katarungan DC.

After chants, a member of the DC Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression speaking on behalf of ILPS-DMV, stated, “The wave of political repression we’re seeing in the forms of ICE raids, police brutality, national oppression, and attacks on the rights of all oppressed peoples, draws parallels to horrors the Filipino people faced in their revolutionary struggle against the brutal dictator Ferdinand Marcos.”

The day before, Malaya Movement DC, in partnership with other organizations, held a panel discussion on the People Power anniversary at Cleveland Park Library. It included speakers from many Filipino organizations, as well as Tita Delia, an activist who organized during martial law in the Philippines.

Tita Delia spoke on how martial law and the decades- long occupation of the Philippines would not be possible without the backing and support of the United States government. When asked how Filipino consciousness has changed over the decades, Tita Delia answered that Filipino youth in particular are much more sensitive to gender and LGBTQ issues, but many are unaware of the fascist dictatorship that terrorized the Philippines, and that this is largely due to the Marcos regime’s revision of history.

A speaker from Malaya Movement DC also stressed the importance of the decades-long struggle waged by the New People’s Army in the Philippines in the countryside.

#WashingtonDC #International #Philippines #ILPS #Anakbayan #Malaya #Katarungan #NAARPR

Fight Back News Service is circulating the following statement from the Communist Party of the Philippines.

The tactical offensive of the New People’s Army (NPA) against the 80th Infantry Battalion (IB) in Antipolo, Rizal yesterday is a bold action that responds to people’s demand to put a stop to destructive quarrying, mining and dam construction in the Rizal province.

The 80th IB is notorious for gross violations of the rights of peasant and indigenous people communities in Antipolo and other towns in Rizal who have resisted the construction of the Wawa-Violago megadam. Several communities have been displaced by these projects.

The military battalion also provides armed security to mining and quarrying operations which have caused grave destruction of the environment. These operations have resulted in devastating floods and landslides that have affected not only the local communities but also neighboring towns in Rizal, as well as low-lying areas in Metro Manila.

The Marcos regime continues to use the armed forces to serve the interests of these destructive companies, providing them with security and allowing them to continue their operations with impunity.

The NPA’s action is a just response to the people’s clamor for social and environmental justice. It is a testament to the determination of the people to defend their rights and the environment and resist the reactionary government’s policy that favor big business interests.

The NPA tactical offensive is a blow to the claims of the Marcos fascist regime and its armed forces that the country is now “insurgency-free.” This false narrative is a key component of the government’s vain attempt to demoralize the people and discourage them from further resisting fascism and imperialism.

The CPP commends the NPA Red fighters who carried out the military action in defense of the people’s interests and the environment. They are true people’s warriors who are dedicated to serve the people, defend their rights and protect the environment.

#International #Philippines #CPP #NPA #Environment

Philadelphia, PA – On Tuesday, February 18, dozens of Philly activists gathered outside city hall to rally against Rwanda’s escalation of the war against the Democratic Republic of Congo. The evening rally, organized by Free Congo Philly, included the support of groups like Drexel Palestine Coalition, Black Alliance for Peace, All-African People’s Revolutionary Party, the Philadelphia Alliance Against Imperialism, and others.

The mineral-rich Congo has been subject to U.S. and British-funded aggression and plunder at the hands of the Rwandan government, under the regime of current President Paul Kagame. Today, eastern Congo, a site of the country’s reserve of natural wealth in rare minerals such as gold, coltan and copper is still embroiled in violence from the aftermath of the Second Congo War (1998-2004), particularly at the hands of the Rwanda-backed M23 militia, who have led the most recent incursion into Congo. Starting with the capture of the key economic trading city of Mavisi on January 21, M23 has continued to take over Congo’s eastern region, capturing Goma, Bukavu, and more, leaving thousands of dead and displaced Congolese in their wake.

Uniting all the organizations were the demands for Rwanda to leave Congo, and an end to all military aid to Rwanda.

Chants of “Free, free Congo” and “Vive le Congo, vive Lumumba!” attracted the broad attention of those passing by as the crowd marched a circuit around city hall.

Musa Bey, representing the Philadelphia Alliance Against Imperialism, delivered a fiery speech, calling out the imperialist interests at the heart of the conflict, stating, “This is not just war, it is neocolonialism in its most brutal form. Rwanda has acted as a puppet of global powers that seek to keep Congo weak, divided, and bleeding. The same nations that preach democracy and human rights stand by while Rwanda commits crimes against humanity. The same corporations that profit from Congolese minerals turn a blind eye to the bodies buried beneath the mines.”

As of February 19, M23 forces continue to push deeper into Congolese territory, threatening to take Uvira, another city of strategic importance.

#PhiladelphiaPA #PA #International #Congo

On February 18, the Foreign Ministry of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) issued a press statement warning, “The anachronistic and futile attempt to challenge the inviolable sovereignty and the prestige of the DPRK will entail self-destructive results.”

The statement continued, “The U.S. secretary of State held a confab with the diplomatic authorities of Japan and the ROK [Republic of Korea] on February 15 to cook up and make public a “joint statement” full of groundless mud-slinging and provocative rhetoric against the DPRK, talking about the “complete denuclearization of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.””

The statement concluded, “The DPRK will as ever consistently adhere to the new line of bolstering up the nuclear force clarified by the head of state and thoroughly control the threat and blackmail of the U.S. and its vassal forces violating the former's sovereignty and security interests, by making use of all its own political and military tools, and perfectly attain its strategic goal.”

#International #Korea #DPRK

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) views the recent 90-day suspension of funding for programs of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) by the Trump government as a manifestation of the deepening political crisis in the United States, in which the new regime aims to take control of the entire bureaucracy and realign the budget to service its own oligarchic interests and ultra-conservative agenda.

The USAID programs around the world have long been used as a tool for soft power projection, aimed at maintaining US global hegemony. Behind the veil of humanitarian or economic assistance, USAID has been instrumental in promoting neoliberal economic policies, strengthening US cultural influence, exploiting natural resources of its semi-colonies, pushing infrastructure projects that benefit US corporations and advance US security and military interests.

The US government spent around $30 billion for USAID in 2024, a puny amount (around 3%) compared to $886 billion in overall defense spending. The USAID programs in the Philippines amount to around $300 million annually since 2001. These are, as US officials declare, “strategic investments” to maintain US dominance and control of the Philippines. The economic, political and military returns are much greater than the investment, from access to the country’s natural resources as well as being granted extra-territorial rights to maintain US military forces and weapons stockpile in the country.

The US government uses these programs to portray it as a “friend, partner and ally” of the Filipino people and cover up the truth that US imperialism is the enemy of Philippine freedom and democracy. Funding for USAID has gone to programs that promote US investments in the country, covering-up the role of US imperialism in perpetuating poverty and underdevelopment. The USAID portrays the US as a benevolent donor of aid and assistance. In reality, the US has long perpetuated economic backwardness in the Philippines, through unequal trade and economic agreements and neoliberal economic policies that hinder the country’s industrial development, prevent it from achieving self-reliance, and keep it dependent on foreign debt and capital.

The programs of the USAID hypocritically claims to promote “freedom,” “democracy”, “human rights,” “gender rights” and other “causes” in the Philippines. In reality, the US has been instrumental in promoting state terrorism through military aid, training, and indoctrination of the armed forces along its counterinsurgency ideology. The US has provided the Philippine military with funding and equipment used to suppress people’s resistance, targeting progressive and patriotic groups and individuals critical of US imperialist domination and its local stooges.

It buttresses the US imperialist objective of reinforcing its military domination of the country, especially in the face of its efforts to strengthen its military bases and facilities in the country. The suspension of the USAID program will merely serve the broader effort to reconfigure US foreign policy in line with the Trump regime’s aggressive push to seize control of sources of raw materials, wider markets and spheres of investments.

With the 90-day suspension of the USAID, the Party calls on all patriotic forces to expose the machinations of US imperialism and to strengthen the people’s resistance against US economic and military domination and against the Marcos reactionary puppet regime.

The Party calls on the Filipino people to be critical and expose US imperialism’s tactics, whether through USAID or other means. We urge the people to intensify their struggle against US economic, political, cultural and military domination, and to struggle for genuine independence and self-determination.

#International #Philippines #USAID #Trump #CPP

St. Paul, MN – On February 8, in honor of Black History Month, the Minnesota Anti-War Committee (AWC) presented an educational panel titled “Black Against Empire: Perspectives On Liberation In Haiti, Congo, Sudan, and the U.S.A.”

The panel was held at Macalester College in Saint Paul. Experts, activists and community leaders spoke about the timelines, struggles and victories of African people throughout history against imperialist oppression.

The panelists included Frank Chapman, head of the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR); Nick Tolliver, member of the AWC; Mohammed Farah, member of Healthcare Workers For Palestine, along with a written statement submitted by Ruben Joanem of the Haiti Justice Committee. Facilitating the event were Liz Bolsoni from the AWC and Trahern Crews from Black Lives Matter Minnesota.

“The bottom line is, we have to fight our way out of this. We can’t analyze our way out of it. We can’t pray our way out of it. We’ve got to fight our way out of it,” Chapman said. “We’re building a mass movement, and we’ve got to build even greater.” Chapman is the Executive Director of NAARPR, field organizer of its Chicago chapter, the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, and sits on the Central Committee of Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

“The exploitation of the Congo is the beating heart of the global capitalist system and our collective liberation from imperialism and capitalism is bound together with the liberation of the Congo,” said Tolliver, who provided a history of liberation struggles in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Tolliver is an anti-war activist and self-proclaimed “Black history nerd” who is passionate about Congo solidarity and African liberation.

Farah was born and raised in Khartoum, Sudan, and works as a hospital pharmacist in Minnesota while pursuing a graduate degree in public health. Farah expanded on the cultural foundation of Sudan found in art and poetry. He said, “Poets are the embodiment of the soul of a nation. It creates the spirit of Sudanese nationalism.”

As presentations and speeches concluded, a dialogue was opened between the panelists and the audience to further discuss issues that Black people have historically faced and how they tie in with modern struggles connected with capitalism and imperialism.

The final question asked was about the future of community organizing around Black liberation, to which Chapman closed with the statement, “Well, the future is always now. And the future belongs to those who are willing to fight for it.”

#StPaulMN #MN #AntiWarMovement #OppressedNationalities #AfricanAmerican #BlackHistoryMonth #International #Africa #Sudan #Congo #StudentMovement #NAARPR #MNAWC #BLM

By the strength of 215 votes, the Marcos-dominated House of Representatives today impeached Vice Pres. Sara Duterte, setting the stage for a trial before the Philippine Senate.

The vote came after more than two months since the first of several impeachment complaints were filed. Marcos had publicly opposed these complaints for being useless and untimely, fearing that this would ignite a bigger political crisis while the ruling system is rocked by a deep-seated economic crisis.

The impeachment comes amid growing clamor of broad democratic sectors to hold Duterte accountable for corruption over the anomalous use of hundreds of millions of “confidential and intelligence funds,” as well as her father, former President Rodrigo Duterte, for crimes against humanity. It is a victory for the democratic mass movement, whose protests over the past weeks added to mounting pressure on Marcos and the House of Representatives to push the impeachment.

The impeachment of Sara Duterte marks a significant escalation of the conflicts between the Marcos and Duterte cliques. It further exposes the deep divisions within ruling reactionary classes, where rival factions and cliques jostle against each other over spoils of bureaucrat capitalist privilege and power.

The move follows efforts of the Marcos regime to consolidate political power, especially within the military, police and defense establishment, through “loyalty checks” and the reorganization of the National Security Council. Marcos further secured the support of the US imperialists by further heightening anti-Chinese propaganda and collaborating with the US government and military in naval operations in the West Philippine Sea, under the guise of “defending Philippine sovereignty.”

The Filipino people welcome the impeachment of Sara Duterte as the first step to hold the vice president accountable and remove her from office by way of meting out justice for her crimes of corruption. However, the impeachment was secured and transmitted to the Senate just as congress was set to adjourn its sessions. As such, the people must further intensify and expand their mass actions to compel the Senate to convene promptly as the impeachment court and see the trial of Sara Duterte commence at once.

The impeachment of Sara Duterte also serves to heighten the urgency of the people’s demand for the arrest of Rodrigo Duterte and trial before the International Criminal Court, where he is facing charges for having ordered the wave of killings under his sham “war on drugs” and brutal counterinsurgency campaign.

The impeachment, furthermore, emboldens the Filipino people to hold Marcos himself accountable for even bigger crimes of corruption. The Filipino people are outraged by the even greater amounts of confidential and intelligence funds that Marcos has allotted to himself in the 2025 budget. In addition, they protest the ₱26-billion pork barrel fund under the guise of the AKAP “cash-assistance program,” the ₱500-billion Maharlika Investment Fund, the anomalous remittance to the national treasury of ₱60 billion Philhealth funds, the dismissal of ill-gotten wealth cases against the Marcos estate worth at least ₱202 billion and other anomalies.

The broad masses of the people are roused to heighten their protests against the Marcos regime, especially with Marcos and his officials using public money to satiate their desire for luxury and high living, while the Filipino people suffer from high prices, low wages, widespread unemployment and economic dispossession both in the cities and rural areas.

The worsening socioeconomic conditions of the Filipino people are rousing them to more vigorously resist the anti-people neoliberal policies and corruption of the Marcos regime and protest against the oppressive bureaucrat capitalist system, that serve to perpetuate the semicolonial and semifeudal system. Steady efforts to build and strengthen their organizations are bound to result in even greater protests in the coming future.

#International #Philippines #CPP

Both Canada and Mexico said that they would step up border security to slow the flow of drugs into the United States. But this will likely do little to help the fentanyl crisis in the United States, as the causes of the demand for narcotics have not been addressed. Further, only a tiny amount is coming in from Canada. As for Mexico, the post of 10,000 Mexican National Guards on the border will have little impact, when most of the fentanyl from Mexico is actually carried in by U.S. citizens, who are able to cross the border with less scrutiny.

What remains are Trump’s 10% tariffs on all goods from China. This will have an impact on consumers, especially for goods such as cell phones, of which over 75% are imported from China. The same is true for video game consoles and toys. Even for industries where Chinese imports make up a smaller percentage of sales, this will offer an opportunity for other businesses to raise their prices.

Another impact on consumers, especially lower-income ones, is the elimination of the “de minimus” exemption, where packages with less than $800 in value don’t have to pay any tariffs. The average value of these packages is only $52 each, but they are the mainstay of discount retailers found on Amazon, Temu and Shein.

#SanJoseCA #CA #CapitalismAndEconomy #Trump #Tariffs #International #Canada #Mexico

Sentados en el famoso “Rincón Rojo” en el Casa Museo José Carlos Mariátegui ubicado en el distrito Jesús María en Lima, Perú, Jonce Palmer de ¡Lucha y Resiste! tuvo el placer de estar al lado del Dr. Ricardo Felipe Portocarrero Grados, director del Museo desde 2011 hasta 2014 y asesor del Archivo José Carlos Mariátegui. En esta entrevista, platicamos sobre la vida y obra de Mariátegui, su impacto en la historia del Perú, y su legado hoy en día para la izquierda revolucionaria peruana e internacional.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: ¿Quién fue Mariátegui y cómo se puso importante en la historia del Perú?

Ricardo Portocarrero: José Carlos Mariátegui fue un político e intelectual peruano que es considerado, según una frase que se hizo muy conocida de Antonio Melis, “el primer marxista de América [Latina]”. Se ha denominado así no porque antes hubieran personas que se declaran marxistas, sino porque se considera la obra de Mariátegui como una obra original del marxismo latinoamericano, prácticamente fundante de un marxismo que sí bien nace en Europa, pero lo que busca es interpretar para transformar la realidad peruana.

El alcance de la obra de Mariátegui se debe fundamentalmente a la revista Amauta. Fue a través de la revista Amauta que Mariátegui tomó contacto no solo con intelectuales y dirigentes obreros o campesinos de casi todo el Perú, sino también con personalidades de casi toda América Latina: de Argentina, Chile, Cuba, Costa Rica, y México. En Europa, también tenía contactos aunque la presencia de Amauta fue menor.

Y es esta amplia red de intercambios políticos e intelectuales que se articuló alrededor de la revista Amauta que produjo este reconocimiento—aún en vida de Mariátegui—tan amplio a nivel nacional e internacional. Fue también a través de la revista Amauta que se conocieron Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana.

Una parte de los Siete ensayos fue publicado en Amauta, también Defensa del marxismo, y eso permitió que a su muerte, muchos ya lo conocieran por sus escritos. Entonces el impacto que produjo su muerte redundó ampliamente en todo el continente.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: ¿Puede explicar más sobre la obra política y teórica en que se involucró Mariátegui?

Ricardo Portocarrero: Como todo pensador marxista, su obra es amplia y diversa. Quizás lo primero que hay que señalar es que Mariátegui fue, como fue Marx, Gramsci, Lenin, y Trotsky en algún momento, periodista. Era parte de su actividad política. Comenzó como un joven periodista, desde el taller hasta la redacción, y esta fue una tarea que realizó a lo largo de toda su vida. ‘

Por ello, encontramos el primer momento que se ha denominado “edad de piedra” anterior a su formación marxista, una obra predominantemente literaria: había cuentos, poemas, teatro, crónicas de la ciudad de Lima, escritos hípicos de una obra muy diversa que eran propios de un joven periodista en formación en una Lima todavía aristocrática y muy conservador.

Es a partir de su viaje a Europa, y particularmente a su regreso al Perú, que Mariátegui orienta esta producción periodística con fines de organizar en el Perú una central sindical de medios de prensa que se entará en las bases de lo que él llamó el socialismo peruano. Los libros que él publicó en vida—y otros que dejó en proyecto—son resultados de una revisión de sus propios escritos que por si tenían cierta organicidad temática de ciertos problemas de interés, por ejemplo, la construcción del socialismo en la Unión Soviética, la crisis de la socialdemocracia europea, la emergencia y las nuevas corrientes artísticas, literarias, intelectuales, etc.

Esa articulación le permitió dar forma a estos libros que publicó en vida, que son La escena contemporánea (1925), Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (1928), Defensa del marxismo, que fue publicado íntegro en 1955 después de la muerte del autor y durante su vida en Amauta, y El alma matinal que quedó inconcluso.

Eso es bien importante para entender porque es una obra multifacética, escrita al ritmo de la situación cotidiana. Sin perder las perspectivas de largo plazo, tenía que ser escrito al ritmo de los acontecimientos. Que le daba una profundidad mayor a una obra escrita especialmente que tiene que abarcar muy amplia que muchas veces lo más cercano, cotidiano, preciso, se pierda. Ese estilo periodístico es lo que ha convertido en atractivo por poder estar leído con cierta facilidad, con un estilo muy literario, muy reconocido, prácticamente a lo largo de su obra.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: ¿Cuáles fueron algunos de los problemas del pueblo peruano durante este tiempo? ¿Aún existen los mismos problemas hoy en día? ¿Han aparecido problemas nuevos?

Ricardo Portocarrero: Esa es una pregunta recurrente que la izquierda peruana en general, y sobre todo, aquellos que se han declarado sus herederos—no sus seguidores, sus herederos, que dicen que representan Mariátegui en el día de hoy con sus partidos—se han planteado ese tema en diferentes momentos. Por ejemplo, a fin de los años 70, a instancia de la editorial Minerva, se publicó un conjunto de libros dedicados a estudiar los Siete ensayos en comparación con el Perú de ese momento.

En ese momento había profundas transformaciones, productos de las reformas de un gobierno militar y nacionalista. Esas reformas, la más importante siendo la reforma agraria, había abolido el latifundio. La persistencia colonial en el campo desapareció. Entonces, obviamente el Perú de Mariátegui ya no existía.

Más adelante, a finales de los años 80, se formó un grupo de intelectuales izquierdistas y marxistas que realizó unos seminarios justamente con la intención de elaborar un libro que se titulara Los nuevos siete ensayos. Desgraciadamente, no se llegó a concretar el libro como tal. En ese entonces el Perú atravesaba una guerra interna cruenta que también estaba transformando las relaciones de poder y la estructura de clases.

Más recientemente, ese es un tema pendiente para la izquierda peruana. Yo creo que fundamentalmente, hay dos aspectos que están vigentes todavía, pero en otras formas, como problemas en el presente. El problema de la dependencia, del imperialismo en el Perú y América Latina. El caso del Perú es clarísimo por la situación actual que vivimos bajo un modelo neoliberal brutal y represivo que, de otra manera, pone justamente al debate: ¿Quiénes son los sujetos que estarían interesados en luchar en contra de esas presencias? Obviamente las clases dominantes—el capital extranjero, los grupos de poder económico—están interesados en mantener esta situación.

Para aquellos que se opongan a esa dominación imperialista, es nuevamente una cuestión de discusión. Obviamente la estructura social no es la misma; no tenemos ni siquiera la misma clase obrera que existió en el Perú a principios del siglo XX. Pero también, es claro que las relaciones capitalistas, la contradicción entre capital y salario, la penetración del capital en el campo, en los circuitos de distribución, son cada vez más fuertes.

El otro tema fundamental tiene que ver en cierta manera con el poder político: El problema de cómo crear una nueva sociedad en Perú. Mariátegui planteó dos elementos que tenían que ser tomados en cuenta en este proceso de transformación. Uno de ellos era el problema agrario, que se prestaba en ese entonces por esos latifundios—propiedades de los llamados gamonales. Hoy no existen. Existen grandes empresas nacionales extranjeras que han convertido la lucha de la tierra en un tema muy importante en Perú. Ya no es solamente para la producción agroexportadora—anteriormente exportamos azúcar, algodón; ahora exportamos espárragos, café—sino también tiene que ver con el hecho de que la minería y el petrolero requiere justamente expropiar y expulsar a la población de los pueblos en las Andes de sus territorios para poder realizar los grandes proyectos mineros que solamente dejan contaminación, enfermedad, y muerte.

El otro aspecto del problema agrario es el papel de la producción agraria familiar en los campos con una manera de impulsar un mercado interno que resuelve el problema de la mayoría de la población que vive en diversas regiones. O sea, el problema del centralismo político. El poder se ejerce fundamentalmente desde Lima. Entonces, el problema agrario, de esta penetración del capital en el campo, y las luchas de las agriculturas familiares campesinas son aspectos del problema ya había planteado hace casi cien años. Son algunas ideas que tienen que ser repensadas.

Desgraciadamente, dentro los sectores intelectuales, pero también en algunos partidos políticos, se está pensando más en términos de políticas públicas que este estado se debe esforzar para mejorar la situación cuando la cosa es clara. Esto no tiene solución en este modelo económico y bajo este estado. Entonces, en ese sentido, la izquierda más revolucionaria, radical o, más consecuentemente, marxista, prácticamente es inexistente. Hay un fuerte movimiento social, pero no hay ninguna fuerza política de izquierda radical que realmente pueda dirigir este movimiento con fines de transformar la situación.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: ¿Cómo ha impactado la obra de Mariátegui en el movimiento marxista en Perú hoy en día? ¿Y dónde vemos esta influencia?

Ricardo Portocarrero: Yo creo que la influencia de la obra de Mariátegui es tal que prácticamente no hay partido político que se declare de izquierda (aunque no lo sean) que no le bendigan a Mariátegui. Es prácticamente parte de la identidad política de la izquierda peruana, inclusive aquella que no sea marxista. Generalmente la izquierda marxista lo reclama como un emblema revolucionario, una forma de decir “nosotros somos revolucionarios porque seguimos a Mariátegui.”

Hay otra izquierda más progresista, moderada, reformista que identifican a Mariátegui como un ejemplo de persona de político e intelectual preocupado por los grandes problemas nacionales. Pero que le quitan buena parte del aspecto político y programático de la obra de Mariátegui. Resaltan Amauta, sus libros, los Siete ensayos, pero no hablan del Partido Socialista ni de los sindicatos que fundó y apoyó respectivamente. Lo ven como intelectual, abstracto y aislado.

En el caso de la derecha, los conservadores y reaccionarios en este país, Mariátegui recibe su prestigio, pero prácticamente lo reducen a silencio. O sea, simplemente no hablan de él. Al menos, no públicamente. No hay una fuerte campaña desde el estado de hoy o las fuerzas políticas conservadoras contra Mariátegui. Su obra se queda sin algo de reprochar. Es una obra impecable. Por ejemplo, en los cuartos últimos años, hemos tenido las conmemoraciones de las últimas Guerras de Independencia en 2021-2024. Mariátegui casi no fue mencionado, y cuando sí ha sido mencionado, ha sido muy superficialmente.

También hay jóvenes que están interesados en investigar a Mariátegui. Hace poco aquí mismo en esta sala regalamos los premios de un concurso de ensayos sobre la obra de Mariátegui teniendo como referencia sus conferencias en la Universidad Popular [Gonzales Prada]. Entonces si hay jóvenes en sus años 30 que están escribiendo e investigando sobre la obra de Mariátegui. Esperamos con tiempo lograr llevar esos nuevos trabajos, no solo más amplios en Perú, sino en el exterior.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: ¿Por qué leer a Mariátegui? ¿Por qué tiene importancia leer su obra hace casi un siglo? O mejor, ¿porque leer su obra no siendo peruano ni latino, simplemente siendo interesado, activista, u organizador?

Ricardo Portocarrero: Me preguntas porque leerlo, pero quiero poner el elemento como leerlo. Lo vemos en casi toda la obra de Marx, Engels, y los más importantes marxistas conocidos: amina mucho una lectura ahistórica, descontextualizada, que en cierta manera, buscan un método abstracto, una herramienta teórica separada de la historia para poder comprender al mundo presente. Pero se olvida que todas las obras—Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lenin, Mariátegui—vivieron en una época específica y que analizaron esa realidad específica. Desde allí llegan a su conclusión. Por ejemplo, hoy en día, es muy manida el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci. La han sacado abstractamente separada de los debates de la izquierda europea del siglo XX.

En este caso, leer a Mariátegui, o la forma en que hay que leerlo, es efectivamente encontrar un método—el método marxista—en uso, en acción. O sea, el método no es un recital. El método tiene su función, su papel, al momento de ser aplicado en el mundo concreto.

¡Lucha y Resiste!: O sea, leerlo a través de la praxis—no solamente la teoría sino también la práctica.

Ricardo Portocarrero: Así es. Y para eso tiene que conocer la época, su vida, y todo lo demás. Todo de lo cual actuó como referencia: lo que leyó y comprendió. Aquí el papel de la más influencia es muy relevante pero mal trabajado. El método consiste no en algo abstracto sino un método en acción.

El otro aspecto fundamental de Mariátegui: es una obra contemporánea en el sentido de una época en que todavía estamos viviendo. Algunos dicen que no, con la caída del Muro de Berlín, la desaparición de la Unión Soviética, la realidad ha cambiado. Lo que ha cambiado son las relaciones de poder a nivel mundial, pero el capitalismo como sistema, como ejecutor de la economía mundial, y restablecedor de las relaciones de poder entre países imperialistas y dependientes, no ha cambiado. Ha cambiado el periodo histórico, pero no la época. Todavía estamos viviendo durante la época del imperialismo.

En ese sentido, es una obra que aún interesa a la gente, porque hasta estas contradicciones de esta época, Mariátegui puede ser leído en esos términos, de cuestionar no solo el Perú, sino un mundo que todavía está vigente.

¿Y por qué tiene que ser leído por los no peruanos ni latinoamericanos? Es una pregunta que muchos se hacen porque desconocen que la mayor parte de sus artículos están dedicados a temas no peruanos. Hay mucho porcentaje de su obra que tiene que ver con los problemas de Europa. Realizó investigaciones sobre la India, China, y países del oriente.

Pero no los analizan como países aislados, sino países articulados mundialmente a las relaciones de poder que se producen. Cuando habla de la China o la India, no solo habla de los movimientos de liberación anticoloniales, sino también el papel que tienen los países imperialistas en él. Cuando habla de Europa, habla de ese papel que cumplen en otros países. Está analizando el mundo. Eso permite que personas que no hayan nacido en América Latina puedan entender y aprender de la obra de Mariátegui de manera global.

Otro aspecto que contribuiría mucho a su lectura es algo que Marx ya había planteado. Por ejemplo, en el caso de Irlanda e Inglaterra, había ese problema colonial. Él decía que la solución del problema irlandés iba a ser una cuestión muy importante para fortalecer el movimiento obrero británico. Así mismo, por ejemplo en los Estados Unidos, tiene el problema de la nacionalidad negra, los indígenas, y más. A los Estados Unidos vinieron de África y fueron de Islam. Hay un colonialismo interno; no es un colonialismo fuera del país, sino dentro del país. El caso de los chicanos es otro ejemplo.

Yo creo que la obra de Mariátegui, leída desde esa perspectiva conjuntamente con otros escritores marxistas de América del norte y del Caribe, les ayuda también a comprender. Sería muy importante para el movimiento de obreros en América del norte comprender que su propia liberación no es solamente una liberación nacional sino de todo el proletariado mundial. Creo que en ese sentido contribuiría en cierta manera deja de ser un pensamiento que se vea desde los Estados Unidos sino una mirada mucho más integral y articulada que justamente fomenta lazos de solidaridad y apoyo que por ejemplo se está viendo en la mirada mundial con el caso de Palestina. Porque tiene que entender que los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea están empeorando el problema. Imagínate si ellos no metieran armas a Ucrania, no metieran armas a Israel.  En cierta manera, contribuiría a integrar los movimientos internacionales en pro de la liberación no nacional, sino internacional.

Jonce Palmer es miembro general de la Organización Socialista Camino a la Libertad y co-fundador del Comité de Acción Comunitaria de Denver y Aurora, viviendo en Denver, Colorado. Su traducción de Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana por José Carlos Mariátegui, la primera traducción a inglés en más de 50 años, publicará Foreign Languages Press.

#International #Peru #Mariategui #Interview

In the famous “Red Corner” in the Casa Museo José Carlos Mariátegui in the Jesús María in Lima, Peru, Jonce Palmer of Fight Back! had the pleasure of sitting beside Dr. Ricardo Felipe Portocarrero Grados, director of the museum from 2011 to 2014 and co-director of the José Carlos Mariátegui Archive.

In this interview, we discuss the life and work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), his impact on Peruvian history, and his current-day legacy for the Peruvian and international revolutionary left.

Fight Back!: Who was Mariátegui and how did he become an important figure in Peruvian history?

Ricardo Portocarrero: José Carlos Mariátegui was a Peruvian politician and intellectual who is considered, according to a phrase that became well known by Antonio Melis, “the first Marxist of [Latin] America”. He has been called this not because there weren’t people who declared themselves Marxists before, but because Mariátegui's work is considered an original work of Latin American Marxism, practically founding a Marxism that was born in Europe, but seeks to interpret Peruvian reality in order to transform it.

The scope of Mariátegui's work is fundamentally due to the Amauta magazine. It was through Amauta that Mariátegui made contact not only with intellectuals and workers' or peasants' leaders from almost all of Peru, but also with personalities from almost all of Latin America: Argentina, Chile, Cuba, Costa Rica and Mexico. He also had contacts in Europe, although the circulation of Amauta was smaller.

And it is this wide network of political and intellectual exchanges articulated through Amauta that produced this broad recognition – during Mariátegui's lifetime – at the national and international level. It was also through Amauta magazine that Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality became known.

Part of Seven Interpretive Essays was published in Amauta, along with Defense of Marxism, so that upon his death, many already knew him for his writings. The impact of his death reverberated widely throughout the continent.

Fight Back!: Can you explain more about the political and theoretical work in which Mariátegui was involved?

Ricardo Portocarrero: Like all Marxist thinkers, his work is broad and diverse. Perhaps the first thing to point out is that Mariátegui was, as was Marx, Gramsci, Lenin, and Trotsky at some point, a journalist. It was part of his political activity. He began as a young journalist, from the workshop to the newsroom, and this was a task he carried out throughout his life.

Therefore, we find the first moment that has been called his “stone age” prior to his Marxist training, a predominantly literary work: there were short stories, poems, plays, chronicles of the city of Lima, equestrian writings of a very diverse sort that were typical of a young journalist in training in a still aristocratic and very conservative Lima.

It was after his trip to Europe, and particularly upon his return to Peru, that Mariátegui oriented his journalistic production towards the organization in Peru of a press union that would become the basis of what he called Peruvian socialism. The books he published during his lifetime – and others he left in progress – are the result of a revision of his own writings, which in themselves had a certain thematic organicity of certain problems of interest, for example, the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union, the crisis of European social democracy, the emergence of new artistic, literary, intellectual currents, etc.

That articulation allowed him to shape these books he published during his lifetime, which are The Contemporary Scene (1925), Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality (1928), Defense of Marxism, which was published in its entirety in 1955 after the author's death and during his lifetime in Amauta, and El alma matinal, which remained unfinished. [Note: only Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality has been fully translated into English.]

It is very important to understand that Mariategui’s body of work is multifaceted, written in response to the daily situation. Without losing sight of the long term, it had to be written at the rhythm of current events. That gave all the more depth to his analysis of events that would otherwise run the risk of losing its closest, daily, precise qualities. That journalistic style is what has made his work attractive because it can be read with a certain ease, a very literary style recognizable throughout his work.

Fight Back!: What were some of the problems of the Peruvian people during this time? Do the same problems still exist today? Have new problems appeared?

Ricardo Portocarrero: That is a recurring question that the Peruvian left in general, and above all, those who have declared themselves his heirs – not his followers, his heirs, who say they represent Mariátegui today with their political parties – have raised that issue at different times. For example, at the end of the 1970s, at the request of the Minerva publishing house, a set of books was published dedicated to studying the Seven Interpretive Essays in comparison with the Peru of that time.

At that time there were profound transformations, products of the reforms of a military and nationalist government. These reforms, the most important being the agrarian reform, had abolished the latifundia. The colonial presence in the countryside disappeared. So, obviously, Mariátegui's Peru no longer existed.

Later, at the end of the 1980s, a group of leftist and Marxist intellectuals was formed and held seminars with the intention of preparing a book entitled The New Seven Essays. Unfortunately, the book did not materialize as such. At that time Peru was going through a bloody civil war that was also transforming the relations of power and class structure.

More recently, this is a pending issue for the Peruvian left. I believe that fundamentally, there are two aspects still at play as problems in the present, but they have taken on new forms. First there is the problem of dependence, of imperialism in Peru and Latin America. The case of Peru is very clear because of the current situation. We are living under a brutal and repressive neo-liberal model which in itself poses a question for us: Who are the subjects that would be interested in fighting against these relations? Obviously the ruling classes – foreign capital, the groups in power – are interested in maintaining this situation.

For those who oppose imperialist domination, this is a matter of discussion once again. Obviously the social structure is not the same; we do not even have the same working class that existed in Peru at the beginning of the 20th century. But it is also clear that capitalist relations, the contradiction between capital and wages, the penetration of capital in the countryside, in the circuits of distribution, are ever stronger.

The other fundamental issue has to do in a certain way with political power: the problem of how to create a new society in Peru. Mariátegui raised two elements that had to be taken into account in this process of transformation. One of them was the agrarian problem, which lent itself at that time to those latifundios – properties of the so-called gamonales. Today they do not exist. There are large foreign national companies that have turned the land struggle into a very important issue in Peru. It is no longer only for agro-export production; formerly we exported sugar and cotton, now we export asparagus and coffee; but also has to do with the fact that mining and oil requires expropriating and expelling the population of the villages in the Andes from their territories in order to carry out large mining projects that only leave pollution, disease and death.

The other aspect of the agrarian problem is the role of familial agrarian production in the countryside with a way of promoting an internal market that meets the needs of the majority of the population living in different regions. In other words, the problem of political centralism. Political power rests in Lima. So, the agrarian problem, of this penetration of capital in the countryside and the struggles of peasant family farms, are aspects of the problem that had already been raised almost 100 years ago. These are some ideas that need to be reexamined.

Unfortunately, within the intellectual sectors, but also in some political parties, people are thinking more in terms of public policies that the state should make an effort to improve the situation when the situation is clear. This has no solution in this economic model and under this state. So, in that sense, the more revolutionary, radical or, more consequently, Marxist left is practically non-existent. There is a strong social movement, but there is no radical left political force that can really lead this movement in order to transform the situation.

Fight Back!: How has Mariátegui's work impacted the Marxist movement in Peru today? And where do we see this influence?

Ricardo Portocarrero: I believe that the influence of Mariátegui's work is such that there is practically no political party that declares itself to be leftist (although they are not) that does not bless Mariátegui. It is practically part of the political identity of the Peruvian left, even that which is not Marxist. Generally, the Marxist left claims him as a revolutionary emblem, a way of saying “we are revolutionaries because we follow Mariátegui.”

There is another more progressive, moderate, reformist left that identifies Mariátegui as an example of a politician and intellectual concerned with the great national problems. But they take away a good part of the political and programmatic aspect of Mariátegui's work. They highlight Amauta, his books, the Seven Interpretive Essays, but do not talk about the Peruvian Socialist Party or the unions he founded and supported respectively. They see him as an abstract and isolated intellectual.

​​In the case of the right wing, the conservatives and reactionaries in this country, Mariátegui receives his prestige, but they practically reduce him to silence. That is, they simply do not speak of him. At least, not publicly. That said, there is no strong campaign from today's state or conservative political forces against Mariátegui. His work remains beyond reproach. It is an impeccable work. For example, in the last four years, we have had the commemorations of the last Wars of Independence in 2021-2024. Mariátegui was hardly mentioned, and when he was mentioned, it was quite superficial.

There are also young people who are interested in researching Mariátegui. Not long ago here in this room we gave away the prizes of an essay contest on the work of Mariátegui with reference to his lectures at the Universidad Popular [Gonzales Prada]. So there are young people in their 30s who are writing and researching on the work of Mariátegui. We hope in time to be able to bring these new works, not only more widely in Peru, but also abroad.

Fight Back!: Why read Mariátegui? Why is it important to read his work from almost a century ago? Or perhaps a better question would be, why read his work not being Peruvian or Latino, but simply being interested, an activist, or an organizer?

Ricardo Portocarrero: You ask me “why read him”, but I want to propose the idea of how to read him. We see it in almost all the work of Marx, Engels, and the most important known Marxists: their work is often subjected to an ahistorical, decontextualized reading. In a certain way, many look for an abstract method, a theoretical tool separated from history to be able to understand the present world. But it is often forgotten that all these thinkers – Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lenin, Mariátegui – lived in a specific epoch and that they analyzed that specific reality. From there they reach their conclusion. For example, today, Gramsci's concept of hegemony has become hackneyed. It has been abstracted out of the debates of the European left in the 20th century.

In this case, to read Mariátegui, or the way in which to read him, is effectively to put a method – the Marxist method – in use, in action. That is, the method is not a mere exercise. The method has its function, its role, at the moment of being applied in the concrete world.

Fight Back!: That is, to read it through the lens of praxis, not just theory but also practice.

Ricardo Portocarrero: That's right, and for that you have to know the epoch, what it was like to live during that time, and everything else. Everything from which he acted as a reference: what he read and understood. Here the role of the most influence is very relevant but poorly thought out. The method consists not in something abstract but a method in action.

The other fundamental aspect of Mariátegui: it is a contemporary work in the sense of an epoch in which we are still living. Some say no, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, reality has changed. What has changed are the relations of power at the global level, but capitalism as a system, as commander of the world economy, and restorer of power relations between imperialist and dependent countries, has not changed. The historical period has changed, but not the epoch. We are still living during the age of imperialism.

In that sense, it is a work that still interests people, because even these contradictions of this era, Mariátegui can be read in those terms, analyzing not only Peru, but a world that is still in motion.

And why does he have to be read by non-Peruvians and non-Latin Americans? It is a question that many ask because they do not know that most of his articles are dedicated to non-Peruvian topics. There is a large percentage of his work that has to do with the problems of Europe. He also did research on India, China and Eastern countries.

But he does not analyze them as isolated countries, but rather as countries articulated globally to shifting relations of power. When he talks about China or India, he not only talks about the anti-colonial liberation movements, but also the role of imperialist countries in it. When he talks about Europe, he talks about the role they play in other countries. He is analyzing the world. That allows people who were not born in Latin America to understand and learn from Mariátegui's work in a global way.

Another aspect that would contribute a lot to his reading is something that Marx had already raised. For example, the relation between Ireland and England bears a colonial character. He said that the solution of the Irish problem was going to be a very important issue to strengthen the British workers' movement. Likewise, for example in the United States, you have the problem of the African American nationality, the indigenous, and so on. They came to the United States from Africa and were spurred from Islam. There is an internal colonialism; it is not a colonialism outside the country, but inside the country. The case of the Chicanos is another example.

I believe that Mariátegui’s work, read alongside other Marxist writers of North America and the Caribbean, would also help make it clear. It would be very important for the workers' movement in North America to understand that their own liberation is not only a national liberation but that of the proletariat around the world. I think that in that sense it would contribute in a certain way to stop being a thought that is seen from the United States but a much more comprehensive and articulated look that promotes ties of solidarity and support that is being witnessed in the world with the case of Palestine, for example. Because you have to understand that the governments of the United States and the European Union are making the problem worse. Imagine if they didn't bring weapons into Ukraine, they didn't bring weapons into Israel. In a way, reading Mariátegui would help to integrate international movements for liberation, not nationally, but internationally.

Jonce Palmer is a general member of the Freedom Road Socialist Organization and cofounder of Denver-Aurora Community Action Committee, living in Denver, Colorado. Their translation of “Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality by José Carlos Mariátegui”, the first English translation in over 50 years, is forthcoming from Foreign Languages Press.

#International #Peru #JoseCarlosMariategui #Interview

On January 20, Trump stood in the Capitol rotunda promising a “golden age” and vowed to stem the decline of the U.S. empire, which in fact is something he will not and cannot do. The opposite is the case. The economic policies he promotes, such as continued decoupling the U.S. economy from that of People’s China and erecting a wall of tariffs, will accelerate the decline of the United States. Increased military spending for the Pentagon or the deployment of more military forces into the Pacific will not change this.

Over the long run, a decrease in economic power will be followed by a decline of political power. The role of the U.S. in the world economy is shrinking. In 1960, the U.S. had about 40% of the world GDP. Today it is about half that, depending on how you measure.

This U.S. has is abandoning projects that put it at the center of the international economy, such as the World Trade Organization. The 2017 withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, carried out by Donald Trump days after his first inauguration eight years ago, is another symptom of deterioration. The relative weakness of the U.S. economy is being accompanied by a fragmentation of the world economy.

Looking at statistics from the International Monetary Fund to compare the size of the respective economies, People’s China has surpassed that of the U.S. The metric of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), which allows one to compare which commodities and services can be purchased with a given currency, indicates that in 2024 China had about 19% of the world GDP and the U.S. had about 14% of the world GDP. One could also look at a host of industries, from auto and to ship building to steel and green technologies, and see that the U.S. is being left behind.

Two issues to consider

We are looking at U.S. policy and plans in the Pacific in general. Two things need to be considered as we try to get a handle on what is coming next.

First, there is a fair amount of overlap on the China policy pursued by Democratic and Republican politicians. We can have some confidence that Trump will be unmatched when it comes to pronouncements infused with chauvinism and xenophobia, such as he did before, calling COVID the “China virus.” While he may well adopt a more extreme anti-China position than the Biden administration, there is a certain continuity in U.S. policy from administration to administration.

For example, when Defense Secretary Austin was testifying on the 2024 defense appropriation bill at the Senate Armed Services Committee, he stated, “This is a strategy-driven budget – and one driven by the seriousness of our strategic competition with the People's Republic of China.”

The second issue is Taiwan Province, the great unsolved issue of the Chinese revolution. The U.S. has long encouraged reactionary and separatist forces on the island to “contain” China.

Communist Party of China General Secretary Xi Jinping has said, “The people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are one family. No one can sever our family bonds, and no one can stop the historical trend of national reunification.” The CPC has also made it clear that separatism will not be allowed to flourish, and the current situation cannot continue forever. Biden said the U.S. would intervene militarily to block reunification, and Trump says socialist China is afraid of him. So, we will see – it is a safe bet that what Xi Jinping says is right – if reunification is “inevitable.”

Trump, trade and tariffs

Countries that enact tariffs generally do so as a means to protect internal markets for industrial development. Monopoly capitalist powers in decline, like this U.S., have a bias towards tariffs as they shield internal markets and out of date industries from competition. For example, China has developed a steel industry that much more advanced than that in the U.S. – hence lots of tariffs for China’s steel and steel products.

The Biden administration kept many of the China tariffs from the first Trump administration and upped some – like those on electric vehicles and aluminum. Now Trump who bills himself as “tariff man” has vowed to take things to another level – at times talking about 60% tariffs on some Chinese goods, or 25% tariffs, and most recently 10% China tariffs starting February 1. We will see.

One impact of tariffs will be an upward pressure on prices in the U.S. at a time when many of us are tired of inflation. Also, tariffs will not result in a huge number of manufacturing jobs, because of the advances in automation technologies.

There is also a political/military dimension to the aspiration to “delink” the two economies and “protect” supply chains

It’s worth noting that the high tariffs were one of the factors that deepened the Great Depression of the 1930s.

Looking to the future

Current U.S. strategy towards China has several elements, including a massive military buildup – things like more naval spending, more troops and missiles in the Philippines, and Pentagon programs like the Pacific Deterrence Initiative. There is no reason to think the Trump administration will pull back on this or change direction.

U.S. strategy also includes drawing countries of the Pacific region into hostile alliances, formal or informal, against China. Trump may find that more difficult, largely because a U.S. under Trump cannot be counted on to honor its commitments – even to its lackeys.

On the balance, it can be said that the U.S. is on the road to greater conflict with China and the possibility of the U.S. provoking a major military conflict can not be ruled out – in fact it would be a likely consequence of where things are heading now.

Progressives, revolutionaries and those of us in the anti-war movement need to stand with China. China has done nothing wrong – it is developing socialism and working for peace. And not surprisingly, China has friends all over the world, including right here in the United States.

We are going to be busy over the next four years. We have an enemy in the White House that will wage an unrelenting war on people at home and abroad, it is our job to make sure that war is not a one sided one.

#RevolutionaryTheory #International #China #Trump #FRSO

Fight Back News Service is circulating the following statement from the International League of Peoples’ Struggle.

The International League of Peoples’ Struggle celebrates the announcement of a Gaza ceasefire deal between the Palestinian resistance forces and the genocidal occupation state that has waged a war of extermination against the Palestinian people for more than the past year, in actuality for now more than a century.

Since the launch of the October 7th 2023 Al Aqsa Flood operation, more than 46,000 Palestinians have been confirmed killed as well as more than 110,00 injured. This is only the confirmed killings, and adding up the number of missing under the rubble and deaths from injuries, cold, and forced starvation would bring the total deaths to potentially well over 200,000, with thousands suffering amputations. This is a crime of unimaginable brutality committed by the Zionists and funded and protected by the most savage imperialist profiteers, most notably the United States. At this point we should also remember the thousands of political prisoners that remain in Zionist detention, and the fight for their freedom must continue.

This ceasefire is a victory for the Palestinian people who have endured the most horrific, brutal, and blatantly racist genocidal violence for more than a year. It was only achieved due to the heroic steadfastness of the Palestinian people to remain on their rightful land at all costs, and of the Palestinian resistance to fight on to defend that right and that land. Praise must also be given to the unconditional support for Palestine from region-wide Axis of Resistance in Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, Syria, and Iran against whom the imperialists and Zionists are preparing to continue their war, and the anti-imperialist movement must waste no time in learning the hard-fought lessons from this period of united struggle against a united target. The leadership over the many decades and the countless martyrs of Palestine fighting for the eventual end of the occupation will forever be remembered as having given their lives for this stage towards the full liberation of Palestine.

The ceasefire is not due to any good will on the part of the Zionists or their imperialist, fascist funders, but instead was forced due to the military defeats and international isolation of the Zionists diplomatically. The grotesque face of ‘Israel’ has been fully exposed to the world and it can never go back to showing itself as the only ‘democracy in the Middle East.’ It is not only the Zionist state that has lost all credibility but also the United States, the most vicious of imperialist powers through history. The Biden administration has finally pressured the Zionist entity to take the ceasefire deal in order to ‘steal a victory’ from the incoming Trump presidency, showcasing the political games of the imperialists at the expense of the Palestinian people. Nevertheless, the Zionist entity is in deep economic, political, and diplomatic crises despite all of the military aid and training the U.S. has given it, signaling that the ceasefire is only the start of the end for the settler-colony.

The ILPS celebrates this peoples’ victory but also knows that the Zionist occupation and the genocidal war in general are not over. The Zionist apartheid state has violated the Lebanon ceasefire every day since it was made, and we know they will do the same in Gaza. Already, US Senator and incoming Secretary of State for President Trump, Marco Rubio during his confirmation speech stated, “How can any nation-state on the planet coexist side by side with a group of savages like Hamas?” These are blood-chilling words and people of the world must be ready to fight against more deadly wars of aggression, to be thrust on our territories and countries. The willful aiding and abetting of the US, the NATO powers and the wider Western world is the deadliest tool in supporting the genocide.

The people of the world, especially in the US and the imperialist countries, must continue to take to the streets and fight in unconditional solidarity with the Palestinian people to pressure and break the will of the imperialists to keep funding the Zionists until the resistance is victorious and Palestine is free from the river to the sea!

#International #AntiWarMovement #Palestine #Gaza #Ceasefire #ILPS #Statement